This paper discusses the behavior of certain wh-island-violating (but felicitous) constructions in Hebrew. These constructions exhibit two important characteristics: superiority effects, and a sensitivity to short vs. long wh-movement.
An analysis is proposed, based on the assumption that in Hebrew, the relevant wh-feature resides on a head lower than C, but CP is still equipped with a single specifier position that can be utilized for successive-cyclic wh-movement. The proposal is shown to account for of the behavior of these constructions with respect to the aforementioned characteristics, and is supported by the existence of independent cases of A-bar movement to a position below the overt complementizer in Hebrew.